Thursday, January 2, 2014

de Blasio vows to represent even the


employees of Nassau OTB who are residents of the City of New York which no longer has an OTB.
de Blasio picks up the telephone to the Suffolk County Ethics Board and/or tells his minions that Republican Suffolk County Legislator Kevin McCaffrey cannot represent New York City residents who work for Nassau OTB while he works for Suffolk County. We will not now discuss the business of the Teamsters representing the NYC Health and Hospitals Corporation Employees (a large number) at the same time as they collect from the small number of Suffolk OTB employees who have follwed there NYC brethren by working for a public benefit corporation that has filed for Chapter 9 Bankruptcy.

Taking Office, de Blasio Vows to Fix Inequity

Chang W. Lee/The New York Times
Bill de Blasio, right, with his wife and children, was sworn into office at City Hall on Wednesday by former President Bill Clinton. More Photos »
Bill de Blasio, whose fiery populism propelled his rise from obscure neighborhood official to the 109th mayor of New York, was sworn into office on Wednesday, pledging that his ambition for a more humane and equal metropolis would remain undimmed.
Multimedia
In his inaugural address, Mayor de Blasio described social inequality as a “quiet crisis” on a par with the other urban cataclysms of the city’s last half-century, from fiscal collapse to crime waves to terrorist attacks, and said income disparity was a struggle no less urgent to confront.
“We are called to put an end to economic and social inequalities that threaten to unravel the city we love,” he said to about 5,000 people at the ceremony, many beneath blankets on a numbingly cold day.
Mr. de Blasio, 52, the first liberal to lead City Hall in two decades, delivered his critiques as his predecessor, Michael R. Bloomberg, whose Wall Street pedigree and business-first approach to governance seemed to embody the city’s current gilded era, sat unsmiling a few feet away.
It was only one of many potent symbols of change that dominated a ceremony unlike many before it.
Gone was the more solemn air of inaugurations past, replaced by the booming strains of disco, soul, and dance music by the Commodores, Marvin Gaye and Daft Punk, spun by a local D.J. stationed high above the audience. (Even Hillary Rodham Clinton, seated onstage, swayed with the music.)
Several of the nation’s pre-eminent Democrats — including Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo and former President Bill Clinton, who administered the oath of office over a Bible once owned by Franklin D. Roosevelt — appeared with Mr. de Blasio on the dais, celebrating the elevation of a party stalwart with whom they had close ties.
The ceremony was filled with an unusually open airing of the city’s racial and class tensions, including a poem bristling with frustration about “brownstones and brown skin playing tug-of-war,” a pastor’s words about “the plantation called New York,” and fierce denunciations of luxury condominiums and trickle-down economics.
Mr. de Blasio, a careful custodian of his image, took pains to choreograph the appearance of a newly approachable and inclusive City Hall, arriving with his family on the subway and walking onstage to doo-wop tunes. Even the placement of cameras seemed to ensure that only the dignitaries on stage and ordinary New Yorkers arrayed behind them would be shown — and not the many lobbyists and political operatives in the crowd.
And although he warned that his administration’s work “won’t be easy,” Mr. de Blasio made only passing reference to the myriad and daunting challenges — fiscal, political and structural — that he will face in enacting his ambitious policy agenda.
Several of his proposals, including his signature plan to pay for prekindergarten classes by raising taxes on the wealthy, are at the mercy of the governor and state legislators in Albany. Other elements of his platform are expected to be opposed by powerful interests in the city’s corporate classes.
But in his first hours as mayor, Mr. de Blasio opted to focus more on his aspirations for the office, and fulfilling a campaign promise to change the tone of city government on Day 1.
The mayor’s transition team held a ticket lottery so that ordinary New Yorkers could attend the inaugural ceremony, and the City Hall plaza was quickly filled with a diverse crowd that punctuated speeches with impromptu cheers, lending the feel of a jamboree to an event typically more formal than festive.
From her seat in a back row, Justina Taylor, 16, of the Bronx, started singing along with a Jay-Z song. “This is my kind of inauguration,” she said.
Light moments abounded. The young children of Scott M. Stringer, who was being sworn in as the city comptroller, squealed as their father sought to recite the oath of office and drowned out his words. Mr. Stringer laughed: “He’s not quite ready for a television commercial,” he quipped — a sly reference to the celebrity that Mr. de Blasio’s 16-year-old son, Dante, attained after starring in his father’s campaign ads.
This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:



Suffolk, Nassau OTB probe ethics conflict
by David Winzelberg
Published: November 24th, 2013

At least one employee of Nassau County Off-Track Betting is questioning whether the head of his employee union, a member-elect of the Suffolk County Legislature, should have a say in Suffolk OTB business.
Teamsters Local 707 President Kevin McCaffery, whose union represents about 200 Nassau OTB workers, was elected earlier this month to serve as a Suffolk legislator representing the 14th District. In a letter last week, Nassau OTB cashier Jackson Leeds alerted the Suffolk County Ethics Board to McCaffery’s possible conflict of interest.
“As a Suffolk County legislator, his duties are to the people of Suffolk County,” Leeds wrote. “He cannot simultaneously represent the interests of employees of Nassau OTB, a Nassau County public benefit corporation.”
McCaffery told LIBN he doesn’t think the two counties’ OTBs are in competition with each other and he doesn’t see his role as union leader for Nassau OTB workers as a conflict with issues surrounding Suffolk OTB.
“If anything, I have the background of dealing with Nassau OTB, which gives me more insight on the subject than any other legislator out there,” McCaffery said.
When asked if the legislator-elect’s union job appeared to be a conflict of interest, Nassau OTB chief Joseph Cairo said, “If you really want to stretch it. But I don’t see anything that’s apparent to me.”
Cairo added that he’ll instruct the Nassau agency’s counsel to review the situation.
Leeds, a 10-year veteran of Nassau OTB, complained that both union officials and county OTB management have been too focused on the 1,000 video lottery terminals planned for each county’s OTB and they’re not paying enough attention to current operations.
“They never worked behind a window,” Leeds told LIBN. “They’re out of touch with the bettors of Nassau County.”
Internet wagering and dwindling handles – the overall money being wagered – have prompted a consolidation in Nassau OTB’s operations in recent years; there were 15 betting offices in Nassau in 2003, and now there are eight. Suffolk OTB, which has seven branch offices, filed for bankruptcy last year.
These days, according to some analysts, OTB offices exist largely for political patronage – another reason, according to Leeds, that the Nassau union chief shouldn’t mix one business with the other.
“Union leaders should not be politicians,” he said. “OTBs are run by politicians. Being political and doing public good aren’t always incompatible, but they often are.”
This isn’t the first time a Long Island legislator’s OTB ties have become an issue.
In May 2000, Gregory Peterson, then-president of the Nassau OTB, sued to prevent Nassau County Leg. Roger Corbin from voting on appointments to the Nassau OTB’s board of directors. Because Corbin was employed as a branch manager for New York City OTB and a member of Teamsters Local 858, which then represented all employees of Nassau OTB, Peterson alleged Corbin’s legislative role posed a conflict of interest.
A New York Supreme Court judge issued an injunction preventing Corbin from voting on OTB appointments, but Corbin appealed and the lower court’s decision was reversed. The Nassau County Board of Ethics also chimed in, determining by a 3-2 vote that voting on OTB appointments didn’t create a conflict because Corbin didn’t influence policy or engage in labor negotiations.
With McCaffery, some observers say it’s best to proceed with caution.
Anthony Figliola, vice president of Uniondale-based government relations firm Empire Government Strategies, said the legislator-elect may want to recuse himself from any votes concerning Suffolk OTB until the Suffolk County Ethics Board offers an opinion.
“OTB is a political football,” Figliola said. “It’s better to stay out of it, especially if you want to get things done in the Legislature.”


David Winzelberg
Reporter
631.913.4247
917.796.1801


David Winzelberg
Real Estate Reporter
(631) 913.4247
david.winzelberg@libn.com

New Mayor promises eqaulity and justice for

all former New York City OTB bettors who wish to bet at Green Acres, the closest OTB Branch to NYC every day of the year whether Bill's crony Andrew Cuomo is in church or at the track in California.

Even Bill will give Andrew a whipping with NY Const. Art. 1, Sec. 3


HI-
Thanks for the help. The item’s below. I’d be happy to mail you a copy, if you give me a mailing address.

Claude Solnik
(631) 913-4244
Long Island Business News
2150 Smithtown Ave.
Ronkonkoma, NY 11779-7348 

Home > LI Confidential > Stop scratching on holidays

Stop scratching on holidays
Published: June 1, 2012


Off Track Betting in New York State has been racing into a crisis called shrinking revenue. Some people have spitballed a solution: Don’t close on holidays.
New York State Racing Law bars racing on Christmas, Easter and Palm Sunday, and the state has ruled OTBs can’t handle action on those days, even though they could easily broadcast races from out of state.
“You should be able to bet whenever you want,” said Jackson Leeds, a Nassau OTB employee who makes an occasional bet. He added some irrefutable logic: “How is the business going to make money if you’re not open to take people’s bets?”
Elias Tsekerides, president of the Federation of Hellenic Societies of Greater New York, said OTB is open on Greek Orthodox Easter and Palm Sunday.
“I don’t want discrimination,” Tsekerides said. “They close for the Catholics, but open for the Greek Orthodox? It’s either open for all or not open.”
OTB officials have said they lose millions by closing on Palm Sunday alone, with tracks such as Gulfstream, Santa Anita, Turf Paradise and Hawthorne running.
One option: OTBs could just stay open and face the consequences. New York City OTB did just that back in 2003. The handle was about $1.5 million – and OTB was fined $5,000.
Easy money.




Taking Office, de Blasio Vows to Fix Inequity

Chang W. Lee/The New York Times
Bill de Blasio, right, with his wife and children, was sworn into office at City Hall on Wednesday by former President Bill Clinton. More Photos »
Bill de Blasio, whose fiery populism propelled his rise from obscure neighborhood official to the 109th mayor of New York, was sworn into office on Wednesday, pledging that his ambition for a more humane and equal metropolis would remain undimmed.
Multimedia
In his inaugural address, Mayor de Blasio described social inequality as a “quiet crisis” on a par with the other urban cataclysms of the city’s last half-century, from fiscal collapse to crime waves to terrorist attacks, and said income disparity was a struggle no less urgent to confront.
“We are called to put an end to economic and social inequalities that threaten to unravel the city we love,” he said to about 5,000 people at the ceremony, many beneath blankets on a numbingly cold day.
Mr. de Blasio, 52, the first liberal to lead City Hall in two decades, delivered his critiques as his predecessor, Michael R. Bloomberg, whose Wall Street pedigree and business-first approach to governance seemed to embody the city’s current gilded era, sat unsmiling a few feet away.
It was only one of many potent symbols of change that dominated a ceremony unlike many before it.
Gone was the more solemn air of inaugurations past, replaced by the booming strains of disco, soul, and dance music by the Commodores, Marvin Gaye and Daft Punk, spun by a local D.J. stationed high above the audience. (Even Hillary Rodham Clinton, seated onstage, swayed with the music.)
Several of the nation’s pre-eminent Democrats — including Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo and former President Bill Clinton, who administered the oath of office over a Bible once owned by Franklin D. Roosevelt — appeared with Mr. de Blasio on the dais, celebrating the elevation of a party stalwart with whom they had close ties.
The ceremony was filled with an unusually open airing of the city’s racial and class tensions, including a poem bristling with frustration about “brownstones and brown skin playing tug-of-war,” a pastor’s words about “the plantation called New York,” and fierce denunciations of luxury condominiums and trickle-down economics.
Mr. de Blasio, a careful custodian of his image, took pains to choreograph the appearance of a newly approachable and inclusive City Hall, arriving with his family on the subway and walking onstage to doo-wop tunes. Even the placement of cameras seemed to ensure that only the dignitaries on stage and ordinary New Yorkers arrayed behind them would be shown — and not the many lobbyists and political operatives in the crowd.
And although he warned that his administration’s work “won’t be easy,” Mr. de Blasio made only passing reference to the myriad and daunting challenges — fiscal, political and structural — that he will face in enacting his ambitious policy agenda.
Several of his proposals, including his signature plan to pay for prekindergarten classes by raising taxes on the wealthy, are at the mercy of the governor and state legislators in Albany. Other elements of his platform are expected to be opposed by powerful interests in the city’s corporate classes.
But in his first hours as mayor, Mr. de Blasio opted to focus more on his aspirations for the office, and fulfilling a campaign promise to change the tone of city government on Day 1.
The mayor’s transition team held a ticket lottery so that ordinary New Yorkers could attend the inaugural ceremony, and the City Hall plaza was quickly filled with a diverse crowd that punctuated speeches with impromptu cheers, lending the feel of a jamboree to an event typically more formal than festive.
From her seat in a back row, Justina Taylor, 16, of the Bronx, started singing along with a Jay-Z song. “This is my kind of inauguration,” she said.
Light moments abounded. The young children of Scott M. Stringer, who was being sworn in as the city comptroller, squealed as their father sought to recite the oath of office and drowned out his words. Mr. Stringer laughed: “He’s not quite ready for a television commercial,” he quipped — a sly reference to the celebrity that Mr. de Blasio’s 16-year-old son, Dante, attained after starring in his father’s campaign ads.
This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Even Dante knows that Andrew Cuomo and the President of Nassau OTB can't pick and choose one Easter Sunday and one Palm Sunday over the other. Dante is taking bets that the counsel for NYC OTB Ira Block Esq. was correct n his opinion in most all respects.  The kid can pick a winner?


Sports

OPEN ON 1ST PALM SUNDAY, OTB RAKES IN $2M




0



0



0













Print
New York City Off-Track Betting made history yesterday, taking bets on Palm Sunday. Since 1973, when Sunday racing was made legal in New York State, race tracks have been allowed to operate every Sunday except for Palm Sunday and Easter Sunday. While Aqueduct kept its doors shut, NYCOTB had its betting parlors open despite a letter from the New York State Racing and Wagering Board stating that it couldn't do so. "We're not a race track," NYCOTB president Ray Casey said. "OTB's business is a simulcasting business.
" Bettors responded by wagering an estimated $2 million yesterday on tracks from around the country, including Keeneland in Kentucky and Gulfstream Park in Florida. While in the past NYCOTB has respected the law and shut down on Palm Sunday, it took a chance this time because its business is down. "With the weather being the way it's been our handle has been off significantly," Casey said. "Our lawyers felt from their point of view that we could open (yesterday).
" The law says race tracks can't open. It doesn't mention OTBs. "I respect the Racing and Wagering Board and I have the utmost respect for chairman Michael Hoblock but I felt we're right on this one," Casey said. The NYSRWB didn't return phone calls yesterday but said on Saturday it would meet this week to discuss fines and penalties it can impose on NYCOTB. "This isn't personal," Casey said. "I just didn't agree with the board's interpretation.

Wild Bill de Blasio promises Nassau OTB

cashiers that the will teach Suffolk County Legislator Kevin McCaffrey and Teamsters President Kevin McCaffrey that the "rich" will be taxed like everyone else, eg NO CARRIED INTEREST. Republican Kevin McCaffrey cries foul



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First Circuit Court of Appeals Addresses Private Equity Fund’s Responsibility for the Unfunded Pension Benefits of Portfolio Companies

Aug. 2, 2013
Summary
In a case of first impression, on July 24, 2013, the First Circuit Court of Appeals (the “First Circuit”) held that a private equity investment fund (a “Fund”) could be a “trade or business” for purposes of Title IV of the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974, as amended (“ERISA”). Sun Capital Partners III, L.P. et al. v. New England Teamsters and Trucking Industry Pension Fund, 2013 WL 3814984 (1st Cir. July 24, 2013). Accordingly, in the view of the Court, such a Fund could be jointly and severally liable for withdrawal liability for the unfunded pension benefits of a union pension plan incurred by a portfolio company, if the Fund and the portfolio company were found to be trades or businesses under “common control.” The “if” is important, however: the Court remanded to the District Court the question of whether, on the particular facts, the Sun Capital Fund (in the case, three Funds) and the portfolio company constituted a group of trades or businesses under common control for ERISA purposes.
Background
Two Sun Capital Funds,1 each organized as a limited partnership and each managed by general partners controlled by the same two individuals, bought 30% and 70%, respectively, of the equity interests of a limited liability company, which in turn bought all of the equity interests in an active business enterprise, Scott Brass, Inc. Union employees employed by Scott Brass, Inc. accrued benefits under the New England Teamsters and Trucking Industry Pension Fund (the “Pension Fund”) because of contributions made by Scott Brass, Inc. ERISA requires that employers withdrawing from multiemployer (union-based) pension plans pay their share of the plan’s unfunded benefits, called “withdrawal liability.” Under ERISA, all “trades or business” that are under “common control” (broadly defined using an 80% control threshold) with a withdrawing employer are liable for the employer’s unpaid withdrawal liability.
When Scott Brass, Inc. ran into financial difficulties and ceased making contributions to the Pension Fund, ultimately liquidating in bankruptcy proceedings, the Sun Capital Funds sought a declaratory judgment that neither was responsible for any withdrawal liability owing by Scott Brass, Inc. to the Pension Fund. The District Court of Massachusetts agreed, holding that neither was a “trade or business” for purposes of ERISA’s rules regarding trades or businesses under common control. In its view, a trade or business required active management and participation in an active business enterprise, other than through agents.
The View of the First Circuit
The First Circuit disagreed. It concluded that an investor could become a “trade or business” by engaging in what it termed “investment plus;” that is, investment for a profit, but with some or all of the expected return to be derived from directing or influencing the management of the issuers of the underlying investments. In most respects, this analytical approach was not different from that of the District Court. Where the First Circuit departed from the District Court was in concluding that the actions of the two Sun Capital Funds’ agents, their general partner and the persons engaged by the general partner, could be taken into account in determining whether either Fund was a trade or business.
Among the “plus” factors that led the First Circuit to conclude that at least one of the Funds in the present case was a trade or business were the following:
  • the governing instruments and private placement memoranda of the Sun Capital Funds explained that (i) the Sun Capital Funds were to be actively involved in the management and operation of the companies in which they invest (including developing and implementing significant restructuring and operating plans for the portfolio companies, and possibly to the point of signing all checks for a portfolio company) and (ii) the Sun Capital Funds expected to implement significant improvements as to a portfolio company within two years and then exit that investment within two to five years, or earlier, if appropriate;
  • the Sun Capital Funds collectively held controlling stakes, sufficient to carry through on the stated intentions;
  • the Sun Capital Funds designated directors and through service agreements with portfolio companies, the manager engaged by the general partner, the Sun Capital Funds’ agent, provided personnel to portfolio companies, including Scott Brass, Inc., to deliver management and consulting services; and
  • at least one of the Sun Capital Funds benefitted from the fees paid by Scott Brass, Inc. under the above-mentioned service agreements through a corresponding reduction in the Sun Capital Fund’s management fee payable to the general partner.
The First Circuit noted that while none of these factors was dispositive alone, the totality led it to conclude that one of the Sun Capital Funds, at least, was a trade or business. However, as to the other Sun Capital Fund, the record did not show whether that Fund benefitted from the fees paid by Scott Brass, Inc. under the applicable service agreement. Accordingly, it remanded the case to the District Court for a determination as whether the totality of the factors also suggested that Sun Capital Fund was a trade or business. In addition, as the District Court had not ruled on whether Scott Brass, Inc. and either or both of the Sun Capital Funds were under common control for ERISA purposes, the First Circuit also remanded the case to the District Court for a determination on common control.
Implications
The management powers described in the First Circuit opinion in some respects appear more extensive than is typical.2 Nevertheless, any Fund that is promoted as intending to benefit investors from applying the strategic and management prowess of its general partner and affiliates to the management of portfolio companies should be aware there is a substantial risk that the Fund will be a trade or business for ERISA purposes.
What ultimate implications that has under ERISA depends on the answer to a further question: is the Fund, if a trade or business, also under common control with one or more of its portfolio companies? The First Circuit sent that question back to the District Court. As common control generally means 80% or more ownership, however, the irony of the Sun Capital decision is that while the Pension Fund prevailed in the First Circuit, it may yet lose the case if it cannot overcome the 70%/30% split of ownership between the two Sun Capital Funds. Using multiple Funds to own 80% or more of a portfolio company is not certain to avoid the common control rules, however. As mentioned in footnote 1, one of the Sun Capital Funds is in fact two. It was only treated as a single Fund by all concerned because the two were operated in complete parallel. Accordingly, any split of ownership among Funds operated by the same managers needs to be considered carefully.
Moreover, because the statutory language at issue under ERISA cross-referenced certain provisions of the Internal Revenue Code (the “Code”) related to employee benefits, the First Circuit’s decision may have potential implications beyond the narrow issue decided in the case. For example, the Code treats trades or businesses under common control as if they constituted one employer for certain employee benefit purposes, including for determining whether various types of employee benefit arrangements, including pension, 401(k) and certain health and welfare plans, satisfy minimum coverage, nondiscrimination and other requirements of the Code for favorable tax treatment. “Trade or business” is as yet undefined for this specific purpose under Code and the Sun Capital decision does not specifically address this question. But it is nevertheless difficult to conceive of the term having a different meaning for purposes of the Code’s benefit-related provisions than under ERISA because, among other reasons, the respective purposes of having common control rules in ERISA and the Code are so similar: in the former case, to ensure a business cannot avoid its pension obligations by using multiple entities and the latter case, to ensure a business cannot avoid Code requirements by using multiple entities.
Finally, it is unclear whether the rationale employed by the First Circuit in its decision would apply beyond the ERISA/employee benefit context. If the First Circuit’s “trade or business” analysis were applied to private equity and other funds more broadly, however, there could be material impacts on the tax consequences associated with forming and investing in those funds. In particular, applying the First Circuit’s “trade or business” analysis could re-characterize what funds typically treat as capital gains into ordinary business income, which would adversely affect tax-exempt investors seeking to minimize their “unrelated business taxable income”, non-U.S. investors seeking to minimize their “effectively connected” income, and sponsors seeking capital gains treatment with respect to their carried interest in a fund.

Endnotes

1One of the Sun Capital Funds was in fact an amalgamation of two Sun Capital Funds, a distinction ignored by the parties and the courts because those two Sun Capital Funds invested and were managed in complete parallel, e.g., each taking the same percentage of every investment in which either invested. It is not uncommon for ownership of portfolio companies to be divided among related funds, including those with parallel investment strategies, and so the court’s description of the fund as “technically two different funds . . .” [emphasis added] raises concerns about whether portfolio company ownership by related funds may be aggregated for other purposes discussed below (including for purposes of the Internal Revenue Code and for purposes of determining whether investment in a fund by benefit plan investors meets the “significance” threshold discussed in footnote 2 below).
2Note, however, that there are independent reasons under ERISA why private equity funds would desire significant management rights in a portfolio company. The fiduciary, prohibited transaction and other provisions of ERISA apply to a plan’s “assets.” Under ERISA and Department of Labor regulations, the assets of a plan that invests in certain types of investment funds may include not only the fund interests held by the plan, but also the underlying assets of the fund, if investment in the fund by “benefit plan investors” is “significant” (generally speaking, 25% or more). However, this look-through rule does not apply to a fund which qualifies as a “venture capital operating company” or “VCOC,” or a “real estate operating company” or “REOC,”even if investment in such fund by benefit plan investors is significant. But in order to qualify as a VCOC or REOC, the fund must satisfy a number of requirements including that it have and exercise substantial management rights over the companies in which it invests. So a fund which has previously used its status as a VCOC or REOC to avoid certain ERISA complications may now find that there are new ERISA issues to consider.


Taking Office, de Blasio Vows to Fix Inequity

Chang W. Lee/The New York Times
Bill de Blasio, right, with his wife and children, was sworn into office at City Hall on Wednesday by former President Bill Clinton. More Photos »
Bill de Blasio, whose fiery populism propelled his rise from obscure neighborhood official to the 109th mayor of New York, was sworn into office on Wednesday, pledging that his ambition for a more humane and equal metropolis would remain undimmed.
Multimedia
In his inaugural address, Mayor de Blasio described social inequality as a “quiet crisis” on a par with the other urban cataclysms of the city’s last half-century, from fiscal collapse to crime waves to terrorist attacks, and said income disparity was a struggle no less urgent to confront.
“We are called to put an end to economic and social inequalities that threaten to unravel the city we love,” he said to about 5,000 people at the ceremony, many beneath blankets on a numbingly cold day.
Mr. de Blasio, 52, the first liberal to lead City Hall in two decades, delivered his critiques as his predecessor, Michael R. Bloomberg, whose Wall Street pedigree and business-first approach to governance seemed to embody the city’s current gilded era, sat unsmiling a few feet away.
It was only one of many potent symbols of change that dominated a ceremony unlike many before it.
Gone was the more solemn air of inaugurations past, replaced by the booming strains of disco, soul, and dance music by the Commodores, Marvin Gaye and Daft Punk, spun by a local D.J. stationed high above the audience. (Even Hillary Rodham Clinton, seated onstage, swayed with the music.)
Several of the nation’s pre-eminent Democrats — including Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo and former President Bill Clinton, who administered the oath of office over a Bible once owned by Franklin D. Roosevelt — appeared with Mr. de Blasio on the dais, celebrating the elevation of a party stalwart with whom they had close ties.
The ceremony was filled with an unusually open airing of the city’s racial and class tensions, including a poem bristling with frustration about “brownstones and brown skin playing tug-of-war,” a pastor’s words about “the plantation called New York,” and fierce denunciations of luxury condominiums and trickle-down economics.
Mr. de Blasio, a careful custodian of his image, took pains to choreograph the appearance of a newly approachable and inclusive City Hall, arriving with his family on the subway and walking onstage to doo-wop tunes. Even the placement of cameras seemed to ensure that only the dignitaries on stage and ordinary New Yorkers arrayed behind them would be shown — and not the many lobbyists and political operatives in the crowd.
And although he warned that his administration’s work “won’t be easy,” Mr. de Blasio made only passing reference to the myriad and daunting challenges — fiscal, political and structural — that he will face in enacting his ambitious policy agenda.
Several of his proposals, including his signature plan to pay for prekindergarten classes by raising taxes on the wealthy, are at the mercy of the governor and state legislators in Albany. Other elements of his platform are expected to be opposed by powerful interests in the city’s corporate classes.
But in his first hours as mayor, Mr. de Blasio opted to focus more on his aspirations for the office, and fulfilling a campaign promise to change the tone of city government on Day 1.
The mayor’s transition team held a ticket lottery so that ordinary New Yorkers could attend the inaugural ceremony, and the City Hall plaza was quickly filled with a diverse crowd that punctuated speeches with impromptu cheers, lending the feel of a jamboree to an event typically more formal than festive.
From her seat in a back row, Justina Taylor, 16, of the Bronx, started singing along with a Jay-Z song. “This is my kind of inauguration,” she said.
Light moments abounded. The young children of Scott M. Stringer, who was being sworn in as the city comptroller, squealed as their father sought to recite the oath of office and drowned out his words. Mr. Stringer laughed: “He’s not quite ready for a television commercial,” he quipped — a sly reference to the celebrity that Mr. de Blasio’s 16-year-old son, Dante, attained after starring in his father’s campaign ads.
This article has been revised to reflect the following correction: