the building did not fall down because the bomb was not properly positioned
the dude died needless of type 1 disbetes that could easily be cured using the patent assigned to denise l faustman
pethaps he had not interest in living on earthso as to be able to kill more infidels or see if he could recruit by vuring those who have been vondinged to death and dismemberment because bcg is not available to those who wish to live in piece
read the blueprints carefully before you park the truck
The chief of detectives met with reporters. The night before, the radical, racist Rabbi Meir Kahane had been shot dead after giving a talk in a Midtown Manhattan hotel. A gunman had tried to get away in a cab but got stuck in traffic, and was himself shot by a postal police officer. The murder seemed to solve itself. “At this point, it looks like a lone gunman,” the chief said. It was November 1990.
In fact, the gunman, El Sayyid Nosair, was not alone, not literally and not figuratively. An accomplice had actually been waiting behind the wheel of a taxi outside the hotel, but had to move because he was in a no-standing zone. Mr. Nosair got into the wrong cab.
Beyond the granular details of that crime, both men were part of a group of anti-Semitic zealots who followed a blind Egyptian sheikh, Omar Abdel Rahman, listening to his sermons on a speakerphone from abroad until they arranged to bring him to the United States.
Mr. Abdel Rahman died last weekend in a federal prison, a figure long faded from public life, but whose voice still blares in the national conversation as if on a speakerphone from the past. His presence in the United States rewired the public apprehension about Islam and terrorism as drastically as the disappearance in 1979 of Etan Patz did about the dangers lurking in the streets for little children left on their own.
The words of Mr. Abdel Rahman, a preacher of fundamentalist Islamic theology, were the overtures, if not the explicit instructions, for the assassination of President Anwar el-Sadat of Egypt and the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center, which killed six people. He also is a reminder that the coils of history can turn back on themselves: He was aligned with the mujahedeen, the C.I.A.-backed fighters in Afghanistan who resisted Soviet occupation, and eventually succeeded in driving out the army of a mighty but crumbling empire. The sheikh’s speeches and sermons, passed along on cassette tapes in those days before the World Wide Web, were powerful recruiting tools for the Islamic resistance.
The next chapter in his life could stand for many others who had prevailed in that war, and what American intelligence agencies call “blowback,” the lethal aftereffects of making such alliances.
Moving to New York in 1990, Mr. Abdel Rahman was championed by mujahedeen who had come to the United States after their triumph. They had seized control of the Abu Bakr mosque in Brooklyn from moderate worshipers. In his preaching, the sheikh urged that their next cause be the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, the secularist president of Egypt, and combating other forces — including the United States — who, in his view, opposed Islam.
Indeed, he argued that money coming to the financial hub for the Afghan resistance, the Al Kifah Refugee Center on Atlantic Avenue, should be divided, with half going to the overthrow of Mr. Mubarak. When a founder of the group, Mustafa Shalabi, opposed the sheikh, Mr. Abdel Rahman denounced him. Mr. Shalabi was found murdered in his apartment weeks later.
The planning for the 1993 World Trade Center bombing was then underway, and an F.B.I. informant, Emad Salem, was embedded with the group, but that relationship broke off before the plot had ripened. Mr. Salem was later re-enlisted by the F.B.I. and paid more than $1 million to collect evidence.
So not long after the trade center bombing in February 1993, I saw Mr. Salem at the sheikh’s apartment in Jersey City, where 57 reporters, photographers and camera operators squeezed into the living room for a news conference by Mr. Abdel Rahman. The sheikh denounced the bombing but condemned the Mubarak government, and he became indignant when asked if he endorsed the assassination of Rabbi Kahane. He compared such questions to the torture interrogations of the Egyptian government.
Standing next to the sheikh was a translator, Siddig Ibrahim Siddig Ali. Within months, he and others were arrested on charges of planning to bomb the United Nations and other important landmarks in New York City. All of the plotting was recorded by the informant, Mr. Salem.
Outside the door of Mr. Siddig’s apartment on Brunswick Street in Jersey City were piles of a treatise that urged Muslims to stay out of the democratic political process, saying it was based on compromise and rationality, not religious revelation. It was how Omar Abdel Rahman wanted the faithful to live their lives. Now, another coil of history may be turning back: In fixating on Mr. Abdel Rahman’s thinking, his foes, even more than his followers, may very well be amplifying and weaponizing his voice.
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