as they know that pubmed.org ristori+ bcg beats Teva more effectively than the boys who killed mommy and that ....is on the side of those that kill with justification
Curr Opin Immunol. 2018 Dec;55:89-96. doi: 10.1016/j.coi.2018.09.016. Epub 2018 Nov 15.
Bridging the gap between vaccination with Bacille Calmette-Guérin (BCG) and immunological tolerance: the cases of type 1 diabetes and multiple sclerosis.
Abstract
At the end of past century, when the prevailing view was that treatment of autoimmunity required immune suppression, experimental evidence suggested an approach of immune-stimulation such as with the BCG vaccine in type 1 diabetes (T1D) and multiple sclerosis (MS). Translating these basic studies into clinical trials, we showed the following: BCG harnessed the immune system to 'permanently' lower blood sugar, even in advanced T1D; BCG appeared to delay the disease progression in early MS; the effects were long-lasting (years after vaccination) in both diseases. The recently demonstrated capacity of BCG to boost glycolysis may explain both the improvement of metabolic indexes in T1D, and the more efficient generation of inducible regulatory T cells, which counteract the autoimmune attack and foster repair mechanisms.
Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Hells Angels ‘Wannabe’ Goes on Trial For 1977 Slayings
Teva officials have said that the company did nothing wrong and that they plan to vigorously defend themselves.
A Justice Department spokesman declined to comment.
Teva executives and board members believe that one reason the Trump administration will back down is to avoid the impression that it is harming a company that is helping the United States fight the coronavirus.
A week or two before Teva’s lawyers pulled out of the settlement talks, a board member, Roberto Mignone, reached out to the White House to discuss the company’s efforts to provide drugs that might help treat the coronavirus.
President Trump had been touting an anti-malaria drug, hydroxychloroquine, as a possible “game changer” in the fight against the coronavirus. Teva was among the companies that made hydroxychloroquine overseas and could export it to the United States. It had already donated millions of hydroxychloroquine pills to American hospitals.
On March 24, Mr. Mignone emailed a former college roommate of Jared Kushner, Mr. Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser. He wrote that Teva wanted the White House to help get the company’s hydroxychloroquine supplies out of India and to permit Teva to coordinate with rival drug companies to make and distribute the drugs.
In an ensuing discussion with officials on the White House’s coronavirus task force, Teva positioned itself as a valuable partner in the manufacturing and distribution of potential medical treatments for the coronavirus, according to people familiar with the discussions, who weren’t authorized to speak publicly about them. (In the weeks since, the results of several studies have dampened enthusiasm for hydroxychloroquine, and Mr. Trump has stopped emphasizing the drug.)
Teva officials said there was no connection between the White House conversation and the yearslong antitrust investigation.
But, said Robert Field, a professor of law and health policy at Drexel University, “it’s hard to believe that Teva does not have that in mind and does not see some kind of absolution in producing a drug that might help us come out of a national nightmare while they are facing quite serious criminal charges.”
Ronny Gal, a research analyst who follows the generic drug industry at the brokerage Bernstein, said Teva and other generic companies had seen working with the Trump administration as an opportunity not because more sales of hydroxychloroquine would be profitable — pills cost pennies — but because “they want to be viewed as a partner.”
“It’s your chance, at a relatively low cost, to have a very large P.R. campaign,” he added.
Teva had its conversation with the White House just as the company’s officials were reconsidering their settlement negotiations with the Justice Department, which along with other government bodies has for years had Teva in its cross hairs.
The investigation centers on allegations that Teva and a number of rivals illegally worked together to increase prices for widely used generic drugs like pravastatin, which is used to treat high cholesterol.
Congressional investigators have found that Teva dominated the market for some of the drugs whose prices inexplicably rose and remained high. And nearly every state attorney general and the Justice Department’s antitrust division have identified Teva as a leading player in the alleged price-fixing conspiracy.
Teva executives and board members view the federal case as overly reliant on a single former Teva employee who has struck an immunity deal with the government, according to people familiar with their thinking.
But they also feared an indictment, which would be likely to crush the company’s stock price. A criminal conviction would bar Teva from selling drugs to federal health care programs for at least five years. Avoiding such an outcome was a top priority for Teva, and a settlement seemed close at hand this spring, according to the people on both sides of the negotiations.
The Justice Department was inking settlements with other players in the alleged price-fixing conspiracy. In March, the government announced a deal with the Novartis subsidiary Sandoz, another major generic drugmaker. Sandoz admitted to criminal chargesand agreed to pay a $195 million fine, the largest ever in a U.S. antitrust case. Last week, another company, Apotex, agreed to a $24 million settlement.
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