Local 707, a union whose pension plan is awaiting takeover by the PBGC, has no money in the treasury, and holds up Nassau OTB employees who work for a public benefit corporation and are compelled to pay while McCaffrey collects his public pension.
Someday a lawyer of note will analyze the below and report to the employees of Nassau OTB
Long Island Business News
Suffolk,
Nassau
OTB probe ethics conflict
by David Winzelberg
Published: November 24th, 2013
At least one employee of Nassau County Off-Track Betting is questioning whether the head of his employee union, a member-elect of the Suffolk County Legislature, should have a say in Suffolk OTB business.
Teamsters Local
707 President
Kevin McCaffery, whose union represents about 200 Nassau OTB
workers,
was elected earlier this month to serve as a Suffolk
legislator
representing the 14th District. In a letter last week, Nassau
OTB
cashier Jackson Leeds alerted the Suffolk County Ethics Board
to
McCaffery’s possible conflict of interest.
“As a Suffolk County legislator, his duties are to the people
of
Suffolk County,” Leeds wrote. “He cannot simultaneously
represent the
interests of employees of Nassau OTB, a Nassau County public
benefit
corporation.”
McCaffery told LIBN he doesn’t think the two counties’ OTBs
are in
competition with each other and he doesn’t see his role as
union leader
for Nassau OTB workers as a conflict with issues surrounding
Suffolk
OTB.
“If anything, I have the background of dealing with Nassau
OTB, which
gives me more insight on the subject than any other legislator
out
there,” McCaffery said.
When asked if the legislator-elect’s union job appeared to be
a
conflict of interest, Nassau OTB chief Joseph Cairo said, “If
you
really want to stretch it. But I don’t see anything that’s
apparent to
me.”
Cairo added that he’ll instruct the Nassau agency’s counsel to
review
the situation.
Leeds, a 10-year veteran of Nassau OTB, complained that both
union
officials and county OTB management have been too focused on
the 1,000
video lottery terminals planned for each county’s OTB and
they’re not
paying enough attention to current operations.
“They never worked behind a window,” Leeds told LIBN. “They’re
out of
touch with the bettors of Nassau County.”
Internet wagering and dwindling handles – the overall money
being
wagered – have prompted a consolidation in Nassau OTB’s
operations in
recent years; there were 15 betting offices in Nassau in 2003,
and now
there are eight. Suffolk OTB, which has seven branch offices,
filed for
bankruptcy last year.
These days, according to some analysts, OTB offices exist
largely for
political patronage – another reason, according to Leeds, that
the
Nassau union chief shouldn’t mix one business with the other.
“Union leaders should not be politicians,” he said. “OTBs are
run by
politicians. Being political and doing public good aren’t
always
incompatible, but they often are.”
This isn’t the first time a Long Island legislator’s OTB ties
have
become an issue.
In May 2000, Gregory Peterson, then-president of the Nassau
OTB, sued
to prevent Nassau County Leg. Roger Corbin from voting on
appointments
to the Nassau OTB’s board of directors. Because Corbin was
employed as
a branch manager for New York City OTB and a member of
Teamsters Local
858, which then represented all employees of Nassau OTB,
Peterson
alleged Corbin’s legislative role posed a conflict of
interest.
A New York Supreme Court judge issued an injunction preventing
Corbin
from voting on OTB appointments, but Corbin appealed and the
lower
court’s decision was reversed. The Nassau County Board of
Ethics also
chimed in, determining by a 3-2 vote that voting on OTB
appointments
didn’t create a conflict because Corbin didn’t influence
policy or
engage in labor negotiations.
With McCaffery, some observers say it’s best to proceed with
caution.
Anthony Figliola, vice president of Uniondale-based government
relations firm Empire
Government
Strategies, said the legislator-elect may want to recuse
himself
from any votes concerning Suffolk OTB until the Suffolk County
Ethics
Board offers an opinion.
“OTB is a political football,” Figliola said. “It’s better to
stay out
of it, especially if you want to get things done in the
Legislature.”
David
Winzelberg
Reporter
631.913.4247
917.796.1801
S. News
Supreme Court Hears Union-Fee Challenge
Case Involves Public-Sector Union Authorization to Collect Certain Fees From Nonmembers
Updated Jan. 21, 2014 8:11 p.m. ET
WASHINGTON—The Supreme Court on Tuesday
heard a challenge to a decades-old precedent authorizing public-sector
unions to collect fees from workers who refuse to join the union but
benefit from collective bargaining.
The court's liberals seemed firmly planted on the union side, with Justice
Elena Kagan
saying that the plaintiffs' argument "would radically restructure the way workplaces across the country are run."
Some
conservative justices, in contrast, seemed open to the challenge, which
contends that the "agency fees" the state allows the union to collect
from public employees violate the First Amendment by compelling them to
subsidize bargaining positions with which they may disagree.
"I'm
talking about whether or not a union can take money from an employee
who objects to the union's position on fundamental political grounds,"
said Justice
Anthony Kennedy,
referring, for instance, to a younger worker who might disagree with a union's decision to focus on protecting pensions.
"In
an era where government is getting bigger and bigger…this is becoming
more and more of an important issue to more people," he said.
The case could further hurt unions fighting to maintain ground in states grappling with financial woes.
Paul Smith,
the lawyer representing the union position, said any burden on
the objecting employees "arises only because somebody has chosen to come
take this job working for the state on terms the state offers."
The union position received a surprisingly sympathetic hearing from Justice
Antonin Scalia,
who in other cases has joined with conservatives against organized labor's position.
The
plaintiffs' lawyer,
William Messenger
of the National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, described
the issue as the government compelling individuals to support
"lobbying" officials for causes they oppose.
Justice
Scalia, however, repeatedly framed the case under precedents that
distinguish between the government's function of regulating public
conduct, where it is constrained by constitutional protections, and its
role as an employer, where it holds much of the discretion private
employers have in managing the workplace.
"There
are some private employers who think they're better off with a closed
shop and they just want to deal with one union," Justice Scalia said.
"Why can't the government have the same interest?"
The case originated in Illinois, which authorized home health-care aides to unionize for collective bargaining with the state.
The
aides are paid through Medicaid to care for the disabled. One group of
health aides voted to join the Service Employees International Union.
The union's agreement with the state requires workers who don't want to
belong to the union to pay a fee to cover their share of collective
bargaining costs.
Justice
Samuel Alito
questioned the arrangement's origins.
"I
thought the situation was that Gov. [Rod] Blagojevich got a huge
campaign contribution from the union and virtually as soon as he got
into office he took out his pen and signed an executive order that had
the effect of putting, what was it, $3.6 million into the union
coffers," he said.
Some of the eight
plaintiffs are covered by the SEIU agreement but don't belong to the
union. Others belong to a separate group of health aides that voted
against unionization. Together, they argue that even if public employees
can be required to pay union fees for collective bargaining, the health
aides shouldn't be classified as state workers because they can be
terminated by the individuals who employ them.
The
Seventh U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, in Chicago, rejected the suit,
ruling that the aides are state employees and that the union fees are
permitted under a 1977 Supreme Court precedent. That decision allows
state employees, like those in the private sector, to refuse to fund
union activities outside collective bargaining, such as political
campaigning.
But if state law allows,
union contracts can require all members of the bargaining unit to pay
"fair-share" fees for collective bargaining costs.
Solicitor
General Donald Verrilli, arguing in support of the union position, said
that was justified because the union has a legal duty of fair
representation, requiring it to protect all employees in the bargaining
unit whether they belong to the union or not.
Although
Justice Scalia also questioned Mr. Verrilli, he seemed sympathetic to
the free-rider argument. If the challenge prevails, it's not just
objectors who might stop paying union fees, he said. Workers might
reason, "Hey, I don't have to pay. The union is going to do this stuff
anyway."
A decision in the case, Harris v. Quinn, is expected by June.
Write to Jess Bravin at jess.bravin@wsj.com and Melanie Trottman at melanie.trottman@wsj.com
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