his attorney general letititia james stands stands silent. while black, ehite and asian nyc bettors are shut out at nassau otb
Cuomo’s bid to balance budget leaves big trouble ahead
Sunday, April 21, 2019
| Track Code | Track Name | Entry | Scratch | 1st Post ET | 1st Post Local | Time Zone | Stakes Race(s) | Stakes Grade | T.V. Indicator |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| GG | GOLDEN GATE FIELDS | 48 | 24 | 3:45 PM | 12:45 PM | PDT | |||
| LS | LONE STAR PARK | 72 | 0 | 3:35 PM | 2:35 PM | CDT | |||
| SA | SANTA ANITA PARK | 72 | 24 | 3:30 PM | 12:30 PM | PDT | |||
| SUN | SUNLAND PARK | 168 | 0 | 2:30 PM | 12:30 PM | MDT | |||
| WO | WOODBINE | 72 | 48 |
OPEN ON 1ST PALM SUNDAY, OTB RAKES IN $2Ml
New York City Off-Track Betting made history yesterday, taking bets on Palm Sunday. Since 1973, when Sunday racing was made legal in New York State, race tracks have been allowed to operate every Sunday except for Palm Sunday and Easter Sunday. While Aqueduct kept its doors shut, NYCOTB had its betting parlors open despite a letter from the New York State Racing and Wagering Board stating that it couldn't do so. "We're not a race track," NYCOTB president Ray Casey said. "OTB's business is a simulcasting business.
" Bettors responded by wagering an estimated $2 million yesterday on tracks from around the country, including Keeneland in Kentucky and Gulfstream Park in Florida. While in the past NYCOTB has respected the law and shut down on Palm Sunday, it took a chance this time because its business is down. "With the weather being the way it's been our handle has been off significantly," Casey said. "Our lawyers felt from their point of view that we could open (yesterday).
" The law says race tracks can't open. It doesn't mention OTBs. "I respect the Racing and Wagering Board and I have the utmost respect for chairman Michael Hoblock but I felt we're right on this one," Casey said. The NYSRWB didn't return phone calls yesterday but said on Saturday it would meet this week to discuss fines and penalties it can impose on NYCOTB. "This isn't personal," Casey said. "I just didn't agree with the board's
interpretation.
interpretation.
Gov. Andrew Cuomo has spent most of the past two weeks pointing fingers: first at President Trump, whose tax law he blames for a sudden decline in New York’s revenues, and then at state Senate Democrats, whom he holds responsible for the Amazon fiasco.
But the blame game will carry Cuomo only so far. In New York state’s executive budget system, the bucks stop with the governor. And, politically, this year’s budget process will be his most challenging yet since his first, in 2011, testing both his ability to manage legislative relations and his commitment to financial restraint.
During his first two terms, Cuomo was able to settle budgets mainly on his own terms, playing off the Democrat-dominated Assembly against a generally compliant Republican majority in the Senate.
Now, with Cuomo warning that New York’s high earners are being squeezed too hard by the new federal cap on state and local tax deductions, many members of Albany’s big new Senate Democratic majority would like to squeeze harder and spend more, on everything from education to health care to the subways. Even the more (fiscally) moderate suburban senators have school-aid appetites similar to their Republican predecessors — more than the state can reasonably afford.
Complicating the outlook are two non-budget related provisions included in budget legislation: Cuomo’s ham-handed effort to fund subway improvements by imposing a state-controlled congestion-pricing plan on the Big Apple, plus his scheme for legalizing marijuana.
The degree of fiscal difficulty escalated when personal-income tax receipts in December and January dropped $2.3 billion. That struck another blow to Cuomo’s already reduced budget forecast for December and January — pointing to the biggest decline since 2003 in the tax source the Empire State relies on the most.
After a year misrepresenting the federal tax changes as a broad assault against New York’s middle class, Cuomo shifted gears and focused on the real problem: the impact of the SALT cap on the highest-earning 1 percent of New Yorkers, who generate nearly half the income tax receipts collected from state residents.
About the Faustman Lab
Under the direction of Denise Faustman, MD, PhD, the Immunobiology Laboratory at the Massachusetts General Hospital (MGH) has advanced the understanding of the role the human immune system plays in autoimmune diseases, cancer and transplantation. From basic research into turning the immune system on to fight cancer to a Phase II clinical trial to reverse type 1 diabetes, the lab conducts and then translates basic research in applications that help patients.
The budget plan now assumes that roughly 60 percent of the money will be recouped from final tax returns in April, turning Cuomo’s “serious as a heart attack” $2.3 billion shortfall into a net drop of $900 million, more of a severe chest pain.
Cuomo’s updated financial plan also acknowledges that his mid-January budget proposal failed to estimate the full extent to which the stock market crash at the end of 2018 would reduce taxable capital gains. The needed adjustment, in turn, will reduce the base of projected income tax returns for the future.
Cuomo is seeking to close the resulting budget holes in fiscal 2019 and 2020 by shuffling around unspent surplus cash, acknowledging “resources” that weren’t previously apparent, changing the timing of some expenditures, fixing the constitutional flaw in a $100 million-a-year opioid tax thrown out by a federal court last year and — in his most significant pushback against proposed spending for fiscal 2020 — cutting $550 million from his own proposed $1 billion Medicaid hike.
Even assuming the Legislature accepts his proposal as is, the financial plan through 2023 points to future “out-year” budget shortfalls larger than any Cuomo has projected since 2011.
Another risk: Despite Cuomo’s warning that more high earners will migrate due to the SALT cap, his adjusted bottom line still assumes income-tax receipts will resume growing at a healthy pace over the next four years.
Justia Opinion Summary
WD filed suit against OGS, alleging that defendants violated its rights under the First Amendment, the Equal Protection Clause, and the New York State Constitution by denying WD's applications to participate as a food truck vendor in the Lunch Program based on its ethnic-slur branding. The Second Circuit reversed the district court's grant of summary judgment for defendant, holding that defendants' action violated WD's equal protection rights and its rights under the New York State Constitution. In this case, it was undisputed that defendants denied WD's applications solely because of its ethnic-slur branding. In Matal v. Tam, 137 S. Ct. 1744 (2017), the Supreme Court clarified that this action amounted to viewpoint discrimination and, if not government speech or otherwise protected, was prohibited by the First Amendment. The court rejected defendants' argument that their actions were unobjectionable because they were either part of OGS's government speech or permissible regulation of a government contractor's speech.
He also assumes the long national economic expansion will continue. Yet national political variables pose additional risks. For example, Sen. Liz Warren’s wealth tax would eviscerate New York’s asset-rich tax base — or what’s left of it, after the SALT-related erosion likely in the next few years.
For all of the added spending and tax pressure created by the new Senate Democratic majority — not to mention bad feelings lingering from the abortive Amazon deal — the next state budget probably won’t stray far from Cuomo’s priorities. But the structural imbalance in state finances will get worse in the future.
E.J. McMahon is research director at the Empire Center for Public Policy and a Manhattan Institute adjunct fellow.
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