Monday, January 21, 2019

hell no civil rights say andrew cuomo





The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.: 

Sunday, April 21, 2019

Track CodeTrack NameEntryScratch1st Post
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GGGOLDEN GATE FIELDS48243:45 PM12:45 PMPDT
LSLONE STAR PARK7203:35 PM2:35 PMCDT
SASANTA ANITA PARK72243:30 PM12:30 PMPDT
SUNSUNLAND PARK16802:30 PM12:30 PMMDT
WOWOODBINE7248

the best of America& do not forget ny const art 1 sec 3

Claude Solnik
Long Island Business News
2150 Smithtown Ave.
Ronkonkoma, NY 11779-7348 

Home > LI Confidential > Stop scratching on holidays

Stop scratching on holidays
Published: June 1, 2012



Off Track Betting in New York State has been racing into a crisis called shrinking revenue. Some people have spitballed a solution: Don’t close on holidays.
New York State Racing Law bars racing on Christmas, Easter and Palm Sunday, and the state has ruled OTBs can’t handle action on those days, even though they could easily broadcast races from out of state.
“You should be able to bet whenever you want,” said Jackson Leeds, a Nassau OTB employee who makes an occasional bet. He added some irrefutable logic: “How is the business going to make money if you’re not open to take people’s bets?”
Elias Tsekerides, president of the Federation of Hellenic Societies of Greater New York, said OTB is open on Greek Orthodox Easter and Palm Sunday.
“I don’t want discrimination,” Tsekerides said. “They close for the Catholics, but open for the Greek Orthodox? It’s either open for all or not open.”
OTB officials have said they lose millions by closing on Palm Sunday alone, with tracks such as Gulfstream, Santa Anita, Turf Paradise and Hawthorne running.
One option: OTBs could just stay open and face the consequences. New York City OTB did just that back in 2003. The handle was about $1.5 million – and OTB was fined $5,000.
Easy money.


 




Were Martin Luther King alive today to celebrate his 90th birthday, what would he have to say about his nation’s contentious racial landscape?
America is a far different place than when King was felled by an assassin’s bullet in 1968 at the young age of 39.
An African-American has served two terms as president of the United States — something King likely thought even his children would never see.
Blacks have served at the top levels of the Cabinet, on the Supreme Court, in the halls of Congress, as state governors. In New York, both houses of the Legislature are led by African-Americans, and the state’s chief law-enforcement official is a black woman.
Indeed, race is no longer any barrier not just to the ballot box, but to elective office.
Such an achievement surely would cheer King, for it was a long time coming. And it came about because the movement of which he was the public face fundamentally transformed America’s sensibility.
Born in the churches of the South, the civil-rights movement challenged white America to purge itself of racism. It did so through moral power, nonviolence, an appeal to faith, a call for civil disobedience of unjust laws and a plea for full equality.
King accomplished his goals, not through coercion but by persuasion — and by demonstrating the all-too-frequent barbarity of those who sought to maintain injustice.
It’s no wonder, then, that the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. has entered the American pantheon for what he achieved in just 13 years on the public stage.
But he’d likely be dismayed, too, and not only by the injustices that remain.
He would be pained by the fact that while young African-Americans are no longer barred from schools, they are too often denied a quality education — and so drop out or graduate without the knowledge and skills needed to become fully productive members of society.
We suspect he’d also be distressed by the hypersensitivity and growing political correctness of today’s discussions about race — the near-impossibility of honest dialogue and the insistence by too many on labeling any who disagree with them as racists.
A passionate supporter of Israel, he would be profoundly troubled by the abandonment of the Jewish state by many who were his allies and supporters.
And he would be pained, no doubt, by the fact that we have yet to fully realize his dream of a time when people would be judged solely “by the content of their character” and “not on the color of their skin.”
Yes, King likely would’ve supported the Black Lives Matter movement. But he likely would reject the claim that “all lives matter” is a racist statement. For his was a universal message of equality and dignity for all: “Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred,” he warned.
So we honor Dr. King for the goals he pursued and largely achieved — and for a vision the nation still strives to fully realize.
Yes, in the decades since his death, scholars have found that he had his flaws and frailties. To err is human.
Then, too, we nowadays largely idealize his crusade — forgetting the issues that made him even more controversial: his opposition to militarism; his denunciation of America as “the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today”; his warning that the greatest threat to black progress was “the white moderate who is more devoted to ‘order’ than to racial justice.”

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